A strange thing happened the other day, the UK Government introduced an Act of Parliament, not at Westminster, but at Holyrood. This is the new Scotland Bill 2010-11 which aims to give new powers to the Scottish Parliament. It’s unique in that the UK Government can’t legislate on changes to the devolution settlement without asking the Scottish Parliament first.
As the Bill changes the devolution settlement for Scotland, (it contains provisions which alter the legislative competence of the Scottish Parliament (for example, clause 11 relating to air weapons) and provisions which alter the executive competence of the Scottish Ministers (for example, clause 20 relating to the power to prescribe drink-driving limits). The Sewel Convention provides that Westminster will not normally legislate with regard to devolved matters in Scotland without the consent of the Scottish Parliament.
As Michael Moore, Secretary of State for Scotland (at Westminster) states: “When this becomes law, a second and exciting phase in Scottish devolution will begin. We are strengthening Scotland’s future based on three principles: empowerment, accountability and stability.”
This Bill has its roots in the recent Calman Commission and has the support of the Conservatives, Labour and the Liberal Democrats. Each of our parties – plus business and civil society – contributed to the Calman Commission, which drew up the blueprint for it. It is right that change of this sort should be built on a broad consensus.
This plan is steeped in Liberal Democrat values as Lib Dems believe in devolution. We want power to go down to the lowest level, to the individual countries that make up the UK, to local communities and to individuals. Some of this has happened in Scotland and Wales but needs to happen in England too. In 1999, when the first democratically elected Scottish Parliament was elected, Lib Dems joined the coalition government that heralded a new era of Scottish politics.
Its centrepiece is the devolution of tax and borrowing powers. Currently the Scottish Parliament only has revenue powers over council tax and business rates and raises only 15% of its own revenue. Scottish local authorities don’t raise much more than that via the Council Tax.
The Scotland Bill will transform how much the Scottish Parliament raises. The most significant change is to create a Scottish Income Tax. This will be done by cutting 10 pence off every band of income tax. That will result in a proportional adjustment to the block grant that Scotland receives. It will allow the Scottish Parliament, via its annual budget process, to adjust the tax rate for people living in Scotland to raise the money that the Scottish Parliament wants to spend in Scotland. This will empower the Scottish Parliament and Scottish Executive to make tax and spend choices that will determine future revenues and help shape Scotland’s future.
It will also make both more accountable to the Scottish people. By giving these tax powers to Holyrood, MSPs will have to answer to voters for the money that they spend. And by moving those spending decisions closer to Scottish society and to Scottish business, both will be better placed to influence the decisions that impact on their lives and livelihoods.
A Unique Bill
A strange thing happened the other day, the UK Government introduced an Act of Parliament, not at Westminster, but at Holyrood. This is the new Scotland Bill 2010-11 which aims to give new powers to the Scottish Parliament. It’s unique in that the UK Government can’t legislate on changes to the devolution settlement without asking the Scottish Parliament first.
As the Bill changes the devolution settlement for Scotland, (it contains provisions which alter the legislative competence of the Scottish Parliament (for example, clause 11 relating to air weapons) and provisions which alter the executive competence of the Scottish Ministers (for example, clause 20 relating to the power to prescribe drink-driving limits). The Sewel Convention provides that Westminster will not normally legislate with regard to devolved matters in Scotland without the consent of the Scottish Parliament.
As Michael Moore, Secretary of State for Scotland (at Westminster) states: “When this becomes law, a second and exciting phase in Scottish devolution will begin. We are strengthening Scotland’s future based on three principles: empowerment, accountability and stability.”
This Bill has its roots in the recent Calman Commission and has the support of the Conservatives, Labour and the Liberal Democrats. Each of our parties – plus business and civil society – contributed to the Calman Commission, which drew up the blueprint for it. It is right that change of this sort should be built on a broad consensus.
This plan is steeped in Liberal Democrat values as Lib Dems believe in devolution. We want power to go down to the lowest level, to the individual countries that make up the UK, to local communities and to individuals. Some of this has happened in Scotland and Wales but needs to happen in England too. In 1999, when the first democratically elected Scottish Parliament was elected, Lib Dems joined the coalition government that heralded a new era of Scottish politics.
Its centrepiece is the devolution of tax and borrowing powers. Currently the Scottish Parliament only has revenue powers over council tax and business rates and raises only 15% of its own revenue. Scottish local authorities don’t raise much more than that via the Council Tax.
The Scotland Bill will transform how much the Scottish Parliament raises. The most significant change is to create a Scottish Income Tax. This will be done by cutting 10 pence off every band of income tax. That will result in a proportional adjustment to the block grant that Scotland receives. It will allow the Scottish Parliament, via its annual budget process, to adjust the tax rate for people living in Scotland to raise the money that the Scottish Parliament wants to spend in Scotland. This will empower the Scottish Parliament and Scottish Executive to make tax and spend choices that will determine future revenues and help shape Scotland’s future.
It will also make both more accountable to the Scottish people. By giving these tax powers to Holyrood, MSPs will have to answer to voters for the money that they spend. And by moving those spending decisions closer to Scottish society and to Scottish business, both will be better placed to influence the decisions that impact on their lives and livelihoods.